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Essays on Philosophy

Category: Occupy

Occupy Wallstreet

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Written shortly after attending the events described below.

On September 17th 2011 it became apparent that something had changed in the United States. On that date, about 1,000 people arrived at the Bowling Green in lower Manhattan under the slogan “Occupy Wall Street.”  The call had been put out months before by Adbusters magazine, and had called forth an action that defied the logic of the typical permitted, pre-contained march.  In the park one could hear an open economics forum featuring speakers advocating the reinstatement of Glass-Steagall, denouncing the second law of thermodynamics as a fabrication of British Imperialism, calling for the global forgiveness of all debts, among other things.  Alongside the forum one could hear calls to shut down the Stock Exchange, to abolish debt-money and so on.  Here debates were reopened that had been shut down for a century at least.  A depoliticized society began to stir…

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A Modest Proposal for Revitalizing Philosophy

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     In every generation, someone makes the claim that philosophy is dead, and yet, like the ever-imminent Christian Apocalypse, this death never seems to come.  History is done, philosophy is dead, the stars are not wanted now, put out every one, pack up the moon and dismantle the sun etc etc… This mentality of self-pity or whatever you want to call it usually is the result of taking some theological, philosophical or scientific hyperbolist a bit too seriously.  Wittgenstein did not murder philosophy with the Tractatus, nor Hegel with his Phenomenology,  nor Fukuyama with his End of History, nor Dewey with his frightful pragmatist nonsense, what they did was to provide a certain type of enabling optical illusion, an excuse for the tired, for the weary for those whose fantasy was such a death to seize upon. 

        Philosophy will never die as a result of its problems being “solved” or “dissolved.”  It will only be clinically dead for as long as a people lack imagination enough to practice it.  The definition of philosophy in these terms falsifies it.  Philosophy is about the creation of the problem, about posing a problem, about problematization, not about reconciliations or solutions. As soon as one “problem” is “(dis)solved,” life has already thrown another mountain in the way of the sensitive mind.  As Emerson put it in his essay Circles:

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Advice to the Occupy Movement:

1. Occupy is a civil war not a PR war.

The easiest way for the occupy movement to have been a waste of everyone’s time is for us to allow it to become a PR war. What does that mean: a PR war? It means allowing the movement to become a new way of marketing obedience. Public Relations is precisely the antithesis of conflict. It is a way of managing images to ensure that nothing ever happens, and if it does, to ensure that it will remain unknown and isolated.  That the occupy movement is the antithesis of everything that PR represents is the only condition for it to have any meaning whatsoever.

If it falls in with PR, which is of course the path of least resistance presented to it, it will come to nothing; there will be an Occupy-land set up at Disneyworld.  PR-ification is the easy way, it is the response that Empire hopes to divert the Occupiers into in order to restore the equilibrium that the occupation has provisionally disrupted.  We need to take a step back and ask what good can possibly come from this sort of collaborationist stance.  If we have PR on our side, will PR ever want to support actions that seriously challenge misery and starvation? or will PR instead attempt to leverage their support into a means of pacification? If we get involved with PR at this stage it will be the gravest possible mistake. What needs to happen is to bypass the world of PR and challenge its legitimacy as a depiction of reality.  This is not accomplished by conforming to its standards. Instead we need to destroy the world of PR using all available means of violence. This includes the media themselves and the sort of social fabric they create one in which violence against commodities is equated with murder, and even considered a worse crime.

2. Pacifist tactics taint everyone involved evenly – consenting or not. Destroying property destroys moral authority.

Much has been written about the need for a diversity of tactics and the inhibiting effects of dogmatic pacifism. None of this has been a call for blind terroristic violence. Instead, it has been a call for thinking about violence. Instead of starting from a position that cedes violence to the police, and renders all who resist as innocent victims and thus as negligible social force–we can call this pre-defeat–we need to start from a position of actually wanting to triumph and to destroy that which destroys us. Dogmatic nonviolence guarantees that we will lose before the first action is taken.  If the occupation movement is to be a serious force,

The affirmation of pacifism assumes that there is a good will that no longer exists between financial elites and “regular people.” We have all become superfluous and replacable in their eyes. The era of leftist new deals and decolonization movements is now over. It depended on the power of the Soviet Union which no longer exists.  Capital has shown again and again that without that external threat it does not feel compelled to make any concessions.  Soviet military force or the threat thereof was the sole motivator behind the era of concessions following 1917.  Of course, working class militancy within capitalist countries played a role, but the existing figure of revolution triumphant terrified the capitalist and induced it to attempt to buy off workers and colonial subjects through propaganda campaigns which would be severly undermined by brutal self-assertion and imposition of wage-reductions and sweat-shop conditions. Thus, the illusion of democracy. Today, instead the ideal model put forward by capital is the model of authoritarian capitalism that we can see in places like China and Signapore.  To miss this point is to struggle in vain.  Perhaps certain members of the 99 will get elevated to positions of spectacular visibility, but in the end this will depend on their renunciation of the desire of those they are supposed to “represent” by the spectacle that grants them visibility.

Pacifist tactics are complicit with the illusion according to which Capital and life are compatible.  We live in a time in which the slum is the dominant form of social development poushed by global capital.  This is where we are headed if we collaborate…